Home > Economia e Política no Mundo > Alguns Pensamentos Sobre o Capitalismo Chinês

Alguns Pensamentos Sobre o Capitalismo Chinês

2 February, 2012 Leave a comment Go to comments

Reuno aqui alguns pensamentos sobre o significado do crescimento chinês e sobre como o capitalismo na China se conecta com movimentos mais gerais do capital internacional. Se desejamos entender melhor como a economia mundial funciona, devemos então passar do nível dos estados-nação para o nível das classes sociais. Uma análise mais profunda das relações comerciais entre China e EUA não pode ficar restrita ao plano nacional. Devemos entender o movimento do capital norte-americano dentro do território chinês, e como este capital com origem nos EUA se relaciona com as especificidades do mercado de trabalho na China. O resultado, ao que tudo indica, é o reposicionamento do neoliberalismo econômico em novas bases.

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Em primeiro lugar, o crescimento chinês pôde postergar uma crise muito mais aguda do capitalismo ocidental. São agora os países emergentes, como China, Índia, Brasil e Rússia que alavancam a produção de valor no mundo:

“Marx blamed California—the Gold Rush and its resultant monetary stimulus to world trade—for prematurely ending the revolutionary cycle of the 1840s. In the immediate aftermath of 2008, so-called BRICs became the new California. Airship Wall Street fell from the sky and crashed to earth, but China kept flying, with Brazil and Southeast Asia in tight formation. India and Russia also managed to keep their planes in the air. The resilient levitation of the BRICs astounded investment advisors, economic columnists and professional astrologers—all of them proclaiming that China, or India, could now hold up the world with one hand, or that Brazil would soon be richer than Spain. Their euphoric credulity, of course, arose from an ignorance of the superb sleight-of-hand techniques used by the Houdinis in the People’s Bank of China. Beijing itself, in sharp contrast, has long expressed significant fears about the country’s over-dependence upon exports, the insufficiency of household purchasing power, and the existence of an affordable-housing shortage side-by-side with an immense real-estate bubble” – Mike Davis, Spring Confronts Winter

Em segundo lugar, o modelo de capitalismo na China é sem dúvida brutal, com forte repressão aos trabalhadores. O crescimento estonteante não se explica somente por políticas públicas de investimento, mas também pela forte repressão à classe trabalhadora:

” In the last decade, Apple has become one of the mightiest, richest and most successful companies in the world, in part by mastering global manufacturing. Apple and its high-technology peers — as well as dozens of other American industries — have achieved a pace of innovation nearly unmatched in modern history. However, the workers assembling iPhones, iPads and other devices often labor in harsh conditions, according to employees inside those plants, worker advocates and documents published by companies themselves. Problems are as varied as onerous work environments and serious — sometimes deadly — safety problems. Employees work excessive overtime, in some cases seven days a week, and live in crowded dorms. Some say they stand so long that their legs swell until they can hardly walk. Under-age workers have helped build Apple’s products, and the company’s suppliers have improperly disposed of hazardous waste and falsified records, according to company reports and advocacy groups that, within China, are often considered reliable, independent monitors. More troubling, the groups say, is some suppliers’ disregard for workers’ health” – In China, Human Costs Are Built Into an iPad, New York Times

Terceiro, muito se fala sobre a rivalidade entre Estados Unidos e China em termos de estados-nação. Isto porque a maioria das análises existentes prefere usar a nacionalidade como ponto de partida. Como já analisei aqui no Marx21 em um artigo anterior, muito se ganharia se passássemos do nível nacional para o nível das classes sociais. Se dividirmos o mundo entre, digamos, capitalista e trabalhadores, veríamos algo já não tão aparente. Um dos detalhes é que, ainda que os EUA como nação possam perder algo, os capitalistas norte-americanos têm muito a ganhar com a China. Temos, então, um deslocamento importante entre nacionalidade e classe social. E tal deslocamento agora produz uma nova ordem mundial.

“These multinational corporations have helped make China the world’s top exporter of manufacturers, both overall and of high technology goods more specifically.  China’s share of world exports of information and communication technology products (such as computers and office machines; and telecom, audio and video equipment) has grown from 3 percent in 1992 to 24 percent 2006, and its share of electrical goods (such as semiconductors) from 4 percent to 21 percent over the same period.  Of course, while these exports are officially recorded as Chinese exports, approximately 60 percent of all Chinese exports and 85 percent of all Chinese high technology exports are produced by foreign companies operating in China. The issue here isn’t one of China stealing manufacturing jobs from the United States or other developed countries.  According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, total manufacturing employment in China actually fell by over 9 million over the period 1994-2006, from 120.8 million to 111.61 million.  Total urban manufacturing employment, which would include most foreign operations, declined sharply from 54.92 million to 33.52 million. In fact, China’s growth has generated few decent employment opportunities for urban workers, regardless of their employment sector.  The International Labor Organization did an extensive study of urban employment over the period 1990 to 2002.  Although total urban employment increased slightly, almost all the growth was in irregular employment, meaning casual-wage or self-employment—typically in construction, cleaning and maintenance of premises, retail trade, street vending, repair services, or domestic services.  More specifically, while total urban employment over this thirteen-year period grew by 81.7 million, 80 million of that growth was in irregular employment.  As a result, irregular workers in China now comprise the largest single urban employment category. The issue here isn’t even one of China versus the United States.  It also isn’t one of dictatorship versus democracy.  Rather it is one of capitalism’s logic.  Said simply, large multinational corporations and their allies in both the United States and China have successfully created a global system of production and consumption that gives them maximum freedom of operation.  It is this logic that keeps pushing more free trade agreements, attempts to create more flexible labor markets, and more attractive conditions for business investment, both here and in China. And it is this logic that needs to be challenged on both sides of the Pacific” – Marty Hart-Landsberg, Globalization, Capitalism, and China

O importante é não ficarmos restritos ao plano nacionalista, que somente enxerga estados nacionais e territórios. Precisamos, ao contrário, mudar o discurso para um que coloque as classes sociais no cerne da questão. A produção de valor no mundo de hoje se faz sobre novos alicerces, e um dos mais importantes é o deslocamento do centro produtivo para a Ásia, onde os mercados de trabalho operam sob leis distintas das dos EUA. Ainda mais, não podemos falar indiscriminadamente de “chineses” em abstrato. Devemos dividir a sociedade na China entre aqueles que se apropriam do valor e aqueles que produzem valor. O ponto não é EUA versus China, mas sim capitalistas versus trabalhadores, sejam eles chineses ou norte-americanos.

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