Home > Economia e Política no Mundo > Londres: A Interseção entre Classe e Etnia

Londres: A Interseção entre Classe e Etnia

O levante popular em diversas partes da Inglaterra mostra bem a interseção entre classe e etnia. Claramente não é possível dizer que os protestos que tomam as ruam são somente o resultado de racismo contra negros, pobres e imigrantes. E tampouco é possível dizer que a revolta é fruto tão somente do brutal cenário econômico, que afeta mais diretamente os jovens. Londres é agora a síntese de duas dimensões: a de interesses de classe e do racismo. A morte do jovem Mark Duggan se aproxima muito da morte do jovem que conflagrou as revoltas populares na Líbia meses atrás.


O que começou com a morte bárbara de um jovem pela polícia londrina agora corre o risco de tornar-se uma grande revolta popular. Inicialmente, os protestos foram fruto imediato da violência constante da polícia contra os moradores de bairros mais pobre, onde negros e imigrantes são a maioria. As constantes revistas de moradores marcou profundamente o relacionamento com os policiais. Somado ao aumento desenfreado do desemprego, especialmente entre os jovens de 20 a 30 anos, o resultado não podia ser outro.

A crise mundial provocada pelos capitalistas, tanto industriais quanto financeiros, avança sobre o Estado via imensos cortes de gastos de políticas sociais e através da ampla privatização de patrimônio público. O ajuste recessivo que agora se perpetra pelas mãos de políticos, tantos conservadores quanto “liberais”, vem a botar mais lenha na fogueira. Tanto nos EUA quanto no Reino Unido, políticos progressistas e conservadores juntaram forças para impor o ajuste recessivo nas contas públicas. No caso da Inglaterra, o principal líder do partido liberal-democrata, Nick Clegg, se tornou ironicamente o maior defensor de políticas conservadoras:

“The international debt crisis vindicates the coalition government’s decision to prioritise cutting Britain’s budget deficit, Nick Clegg has claimed. […]  Clegg insisted the crisis showed why the government was right to introduce sweeping spending cuts in a bid to eliminate the UK’s structural deficit by 2015″ (The Guardian – Global debt crisis vindicates coalition policies, says Nick Clegg)

A coalisão de conservadores e progressistas está em alta. Nos EUA ela se deu entre republicanos e democratas. No Reino Unido foi entre tories e liberais-democratas. Tudo para garantir a chamada “calma dos mercados”. Leia-se “garantir que a crise criada pelos capitalistas seja paga integralmente por que não a criou”.

Com desemprego em alta e com o forte racismo que ronda a Europa, Londres sintetiza bem a interseção de duas dimensões: a econômica e a étnica. Veja abaixo, por exemplo, a entrevista com Dracus Howe, que deixa a entrevistadora conservadora bem desconcertada:



(*) Agradeço à colega Iren Levina por ter enviado o link da entrevista, e pelos comentário oportunos de Avanti Mukherjee sobre a interseção entre etnia e classe.




  1. 10 August, 2011 at 16:17

    Ótimo comentário de Alex Callinicos:


    The riots are essentially an elemental explosion by young deprived working-class people in the inner cities. The driving force was their hatred of the police, which acted as a lighting rod for all the different sources of their discontent. In its fundamentals, Chris Harman’s classic analysis of the 1981 riots applies to what has been happening these last few days: http://www.marxists.org/archive/harman/1981/xx/riots.html. All the features that have been denounced were features of the 1980s riots, and indeed of the American ghetto risings of the 1960s and the LA rising of 1992.

    But there are some differences. For example,
    (i) The political alienation is greater than thirty years – partly thanks to New Labour, but also because of the decline of black nationalism and the hard Labour left, both lively and increasingly intertwined phenomena in the 1980s;
    (ii) This doesn’t mean that the riots are depoliticized ‘criminality’, as idiots of all persuasions keep on repeating: I am sure that many of the rioters participated, as FE and 6th form college students, in the student protests last winter. This is reflected in the way in which the abolition of the Education Maintenance Allowance has been repeatedly cited as a grievance these past few days;
    (iii) Looting as a form of do-it-yourself consumerism is a stronger feature than it was thirty years ago, reflecting the intensive commodification of desires in the neoliberal era: this doesn’t mean that the looters are automata driven by commodity fetishism, but their rebellion is inevitably shaped by the prevailing values in society;
    (iv) More interesting is the impact of the changing economic geography of London: site of one of the top two global financial centres, London is of course marked by a flagrant polarization between rich and poor. But, because of how gentrification has developed, you have neighbourhoods – Clapham is a good example, but even my own Dalston these days – where rich and poor live cheek by jowl. The makes possible outrages like the one reported by a shocked Danny Kruger, ex-adviser to David Cameron: ‘A mob attacked the Ledbury, the best restaurant in Notting Hill.’ (http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/fac0b38e-c1d1-11e0-bc71-00144feabdc0.html#axzz1UZKq74AI) This co-existence of rich and poor was much less advanced in the early 1980s. Hence the element of class hatred you can feel in the scenes of broom-waving debs in Clapham and Ealing.

    These riots are not conscious political movements. But they can only be understood by a political analysis that starts from the class antagonism that ever more deeply shapes all our lives. Any revolutionary left that plans to have a future must stand firm in the face of the moral panic being shouted up by the media and politicians and refuse to condemn the rioters – not because they are a new vanguard but because the responsibility for what happens lies with those who have allowed inequality, poverty, racism and police violence to fester and grow.

    Alex Callinicos, 10 August 2011

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